Tag Archives: Imported

Econ-Atrocity: Will it matter if the Democrats win?

By Gerald Friedman, CPE Staff Economist

As I write this, it appears likely that after 12 years in the wilderness, the Democrats will capture a majority in the House of Representatives and will make substantial gains in the Senate. (My favorite objective source, http://www.electoral-vote.com/, gives the Democrats a 225-208 lead in the House and a gain of 4 Senate seats to move to 49-51 in the upper body.) After 6 years of almost uninterrupted one-party rule, and the worst government this country has endured since the 1850s, we can only rejoice at Democratic gains as, if nothing else, a sign of a return to sanity after the trauma of September 11, 2001. But, beyond this, what can we expect from the Democrats? Can we anticipate a reversal of Bushism, and a renewed push for social progress?
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Congress Fails to Investigate or Punish War Profiteering

The following post is the text of a radio commentary I (Mike Meeropol) delivered over WAMC radio in early October.

Did you know that the US Congress has rejected efforts to punish, investigate and criminalize war profiteering?

Yes, that’s right. This past February, the House on a mostly party-line vote rejected an effort to forbid expenditures from going to any contractor, “”¦if the Defense contractor audit agency has determined that more than $100,000.000 of the contractor’s costs involving work in Iraq “¦ were unreasonable.”[1]

Meanwhile, the Senate on an equally party-line vote, rejected an amendment to an appropriation bill “to prohibit profiteering and fraud relating to military action, relief and reconstruction”¦”[2]

What’s going on here?
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Angry response to Kerry Healey’s exploitation of racism in her attack ads on Deval Patrick

Dear Readers — the following is an email message I sent to all fellow faculty at Western New England College where I teach. I am including it here based on an invitation I received to share it with all readers of this Blog. I am reproducing it here without editing.

Mike Meeropol (econ Prof, Western New England College, Springfield, MA)

I am writing this e-mail because I am thoroughly disgusted with the effort to “Willie Horton” the candidacy of Deval Patrick for Governor of Massachusetts. I hope some of you inclined not to read this will force yourself to do so “¦ Even people who were not inclined to support Mr. Patrick for Governor should respond to the vicious advertising campaign.
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How to vote early and often — legally!

My Recommendations for Election 2006
By John J. Fitzgerald

One of the most patriotic things that anyone, who loves this country, can do in the next few weeks has to be focused on voting. (I know that voting is not the only road for activists, but it does have some value.)

I would like to make a few recommendations to enlarge the effect of voting in 2006.
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Econ-Utopia: Celebrating TINA’s Demise

by Emily Kawano, CPE staff economist

TINA is dead ““ let us rejoice. In the early 1980s British Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher famously declared, “There Is No Alternative” meaning that there is no alternative to capitalism. In the following years it certainly seemed that the capitalist juggernaut was on a roll. By the 1990s, Communism in the Soviet bloc had fallen and neo-liberalism, a particularly pro-corporate and anti-government brand of capitalism, had been enthroned throughout most of the world, enforced by the International Monetary Fund (IMF), the World Bank and the World Trade Organization. TINA ruled, unchallenged by clear evidence that a viable alternative existed.

And yet, the steady encroachment of neo-liberalism, accompanied by growing inequality and immiseration for many throughout the world, may have seeded TINA’s demise. The critique of neo-liberalism has been well honed by the ever-growing global justice movement that has focused a spotlight on the failure of the neo-liberal model in terms of growth, equity and sustainability. In Brazil, Venezuela, Chile, Argentina, Uruguay and Bolivia left-leaning governments have been swept to power under the banner of anti-neo-liberalism. The World Social Forum, the largest and most significant gathering of social movements in the world, is united by an opposition to neo-liberalism and a belief that “˜Another World is Possible.’

At the same time, many people and communities, moved by desperation, practicality, values, or vision, have become involved in concrete economic alternatives. A sample includes:

“¢ Cooperatives, which are businesses that are owned and run by the workers, consumers or members, are seeing new life. According to the International Cooperative Alliance, co-operatives provide over 100 million jobs around the world– 20% more than multinational enterprises.
“¢ Co-housing promotes a sense of community involvement and responsibility. Housing is private, but there are communal spaces and buildings, including for example, a common dining area, kitchen, childcare space, meeting rooms, and recreation space. Real estate speculation on the housing is prohibited and land is held in common.
“¢ Local currency, in which people and businesses use locally printed money, aims to stimulate and support the local economy by keeping money circulating in the local economy rather than “˜leaking’ outside.
“¢ Community supported agriculture supports local farmers by creating dependable demand for their produce. People pay for a seasonal or yearly subscription, which entitles them to a share of whatever is produced. In the U.S., 25,000 people participate in more than 500 CSA projects across the country, while in Japan, where it has been around since the 1960s, 5,000,000 families participate in CSA.
“¢ Participatory budgeting serves to democratize the process of governmental budgeting by giving local residents an official say in where public money should go. The most prominent example of Participatory Budgeting has been in Porto Alegre, Brazil where communities have been involved in city budgeting since 1989. The model has spread to cities in Canada, India, Ireland, Uganda and South Africa.
“¢ The squatters movement works to take over abandoned or unused land or structures and then secure permanent rights to the property; improve the quality of housing, sanitation, and access to clean water; and empower the poor to come up with their own solutions. Given that nearly half the population of cities in Asia, Africa and Latin America are squatters living in illegal settlements, the challenge and need for this work is very great.

Do these examples offer a serious challenge to neo-liberal capitalism? The potential is there, but particularly in the U.S., this potential will remain unrealized unless there is greater coherency among the various strands and a connection with the larger social movements. Otherwise these practices run the risk of remaining worthy but isolated endeavors, struggling for their individual survival, and cloaked in invisibility.

Shedding the cloak of invisibility is an important step in the development of greater coherency as well as legitimizing the importance of economic alternatives. For example, the European Union (EU) has officially recognized the social economy which includes significant segments of the alternative economy such as:

“¢ Cooperatives: housing, credit unions, coop banks, producer & consumer coops.
“¢ Social enterprises: businesses that put social aims at the core of their operation. There are many forms of social enterprises, including: enterprises that seek to create employment for marginalized populations such as people with disabilities, or community businesses that contribute a percentage of profits to a community fund and include community members on the board.
“¢ Mutuals: non-profits that exist for the benefit of their members, providing services such as insurance, mortgage and savings plans.

The EU has recognized the value and importance of the social economy both as a significant sector of the economy as well as its role in fulfilling social needs. EU governments are required to earmark a percentage of their budgets to promote the social economy.

Ultimately, it will take this kind of policy, financial and institutional support to develop the many inspiring economic alternatives into a viable economic system grounded in economic justice and sustainability. TINA is dead. The task now is to realize the transformative potential of the many alternatives that are already a reality.

Sources:
– International Cooperative Alliance, Statistics, http://www.coop.org/coop/statistics.html
– Co-housing, http://www.cohousing.org/default.aspx
– “The Potential of Local Currency,” Susan Meeker-Lowry, Z Magazine, July/Aug 1995, http://www.zmag.org/ZMag/articles/july95lowry.htm
– Community Supported Agriculture, http://www.nal.usda.gov/afsic/csa/
– Participatory budgeting resources, http://www.participatorybudgeting.org/resources.htm
– Squatters movement, http://www.sdinet.org/home.htm
– EU Social Economy, http://ec.europa.eu/enterprise/entrepreneurship/coop/index.htm

© 2006 Center for Popular Economics
Econ-Atrocities are the work of their authors and reflect their author’s opinions and analyses. CPE does not necessarily endorse any particular idea expressed in these articles.

Econ-Utopia: Environmental Tax Shifting

By Jonathan Teller-Elsberg, CPE Staff Economist

In the U.S., talk of tax reform usually means debates about taxes on income and wealth. A little less common are discussions of flat taxes and a shift from payroll, income, investment, or property taxes to consumption taxes—that is, a federal sales tax.

We’ve seen the miserable results of lowering taxes on the rich, and we’ll be dealing with the massive government debts for decades to come. Flat taxes are simply another way to lower taxes on the rich, under the guise of simplifying the tax system. (To be sure, simplifying taxes is not exactly something to dismiss out of hand—the system is far more intimidating than it should be.) The supposed advantage of a shift to consumption taxes is that the shift away from payroll and/or other taxes should lead to more jobs. This is because a payroll tax makes it “expensive” for a business to have an employee. If the payroll tax is reduced or eliminated, the business will have more money available to hire additional workers. The problem with consumption taxes is that they tend to be regressive—meaning that they fall hardest on lower-income members of society.

Another type of tax reform that deserves more attention is the environmental tax shift (ETS), also known as the green or ecological tax shift. The idea here is to increase taxes on activities that result in environmental damage and use the money generated to reduce other taxes by the same amount. As with the consumption tax idea, most proposals center around reducing payroll taxes.
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Econ-Utopia: Food for Thought: How Buying Local Food Contributes to Sustainability

By Heidi Garrett-Peltier, CPE Staff Economist

In 1810, 84 percent of the U.S. workforce was employed in agriculture. Today, it’s down to two percent. Thanks to dramatic increases in productivity resulting from advances in technology and the mechanization of agriculture, we can produce a great deal more food with far fewer people than we could 200 years ago. But does this progress come at a cost?

Large-scale corporate farms are able to out-compete small-scale (often family-owned) farms and drive them out of business. Economies of scale (the competitive edge gained by being bigger) enable large corporate farms to produce more cheaply than smaller farms. These large farms are able to invest in expensive machinery and buy their inputs (fertilizer, seed, etc.) more cheaply than small farms, which in turn makes it difficult for small farms to compete. One might think that corporate farming is better for the consumer — large farms, producing more efficiently, can offer products at lower prices. In addition, the vast network of global agriculture allows consumers access to many varieties of foods throughout the year that can not be produced locally.
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Econ-Utopia: Economic Alternatives: Basic Income Guarantee

By Thomas Masterson, CPE Staff Economist

The Basic Income Guarantee (BIG) is just what it sounds like: a guaranteed basic level of income. Most proposals suggest that it be distributed to every adult citizen without regard to income or wealth. BIG would replace all of the social programs currently in place that attempt to reduce or eliminate poverty, such as welfare, unemployment insurance, and Medicaid, with a monthly payment sufficient to lift an individual out of poverty.

Interestingly, this proposal is drawing support from the right as well as the left (leftists have long supported versions of this proposal). Even Charles Murray (think “The Bell Curve”) likes it: he has written a book about it in which he seems to say that he thought it up, calling it “The Plan.” By eliminating the need to monitor for fraud and abuse of the system, BIG would actually be cheaper than our current system of multiple benefits and eligibility criteria. BIG would also get rid of the disincentive to work built into the welfare system–often working for pay leads to a decrease in benefits, making work a less attractive option. And, by allowing people to decide on their own what to use the money for (though Murray’s plan calls for $3,000 of his $10,000 annual grant to be spent for health insurance), BIG would increase efficiency. Lefties like it because it frees people from dependence on employers and gives them more bargaining power to demand good working conditions and better pay.
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Econ-Atrocity: What’s missing from the new bankruptcy laws?

By Helen Scharber, CPE Staff Economist

The new national bankruptcy laws that went into effect in late 2005 prompted a big stir, not to mention a record-setting level of bankruptcy filings just before the laws changed. What is it about the Bankruptcy Abuse Prevention and Consumer Protection Act of 2005 that caused so much controversy? Like its Orwellian cousins the Clear Skies and Healthy Forest Initiatives, this act—whose very title suggests it will enhance consumer protections—does anything but. Indeed, the problems with this new law have much to do with what it does not include.
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